"No Turning Back": AfroGospel, Discipleship, and Gen Z Pentecostalism in Nigeria
- Joseph Ola
- 7 days ago
- 21 min read
by Joseph Ola

Introduction
The Nigerian Christian music scene is experiencing a remarkable surge in both local and global engagement and influence, with AfroGospel emerging as a particularly dynamic subgenre that has attracted increasing attention in recent years—especially among Generation Z (Gen Z) and millennials. This essay argues that this surge is driven by AfroGospel’s imaginative reworking of evangelical motifs, its contextual embodiment of Pentecostal spirituality, and its adept use of culturally resonant music as a vehicle for social and theological engagement. Spanning demographics from teenagers to thirty-somethings, this movement is redefining how gospel music is created, consumed, and performed, making AfroGospel a key site for exploring contemporary expressions of faith and cultural identity.
Central to this exploration in this essay is the case study of No Turning Back II by Gaise Baba (featuring Lawrence Oyor).[1] This AfroGospel track was uploaded to YouTube on 16 May 2025, and accrued over five million views in ten days—epitomising the genre’s cultural resonance while also generating controversies regarding its theological depth.[2] The song is a reimagining of the classic evangelical chorus “I Have Decided to Follow Jesus,” revitalised with new stanzas, dynamic rhythms, and collaborative artistry, including contributions from guest artist Lawrence Oyor. Using No Turning Back II as a case study, I will analyse the themes, theological underpinnings, and cultural inclinations that explain AfroGospel’s growing appeal among the younger generation of Nigerian Christians. I aim to establish that the increasing popularity of Nigerian AfroGospel music, particularly among Gen Z, is underpinned by its strategic reworking of evangelical themes, generational appropriation of Pentecostal spirituality, and innovative social engagement. These elements will be unpacked in the subsequent sections. But first, a definition of AfroGospel will be a good place to start.
What Exactly Is AfroGospel?
Gaise Baba is a pioneer and true visionary of AfroGospel.[3] In an interview, he gives a pretty broad definition of AfroGospel as “a movement of the gospel—the message and the culture of God’s kingdom—through creativity and arts from African creatives.”[4] In other words, AfroGospel is a genre of music that uses creative expression to communicate God’s message. He argues further that AfroGospel transcends music to include film, theatre, modelling, fashion—pretty much all forms of artistic creativity. So, AfroGospel is more than just a genre—it’s a cultural expression, a kingdom movement through the arts.
The term ‘AfroGospel’ was arguably popularised by Gil Joe, a singer-songwriter, and music producer known for his innovative fusion of Afrobeats, R&B, and gospel music. He began his musical journey at 17, and, as per his personal testimony, made the transition from rap to AfroGospel because “we are Africans and rap is not necessarily our sound.”[5] He rapidly drew attention to the sort of Christian music genre that weaves in modern African rhythms—specifically Afrobeats—with a groovy, percussive sound with the goal of making music that stirs worship and gratitude, but carries modern African energy.
Prominent AfroGospel artists such as Gil Joe and Gaise Baba have consistently articulated a critical distinction regarding their creative intent: AfroGospel is not an attempt to displace Afrobeats—the genre epitomised by iconic figures like Fela Anikulapo Kuti—but rather to redeem and repurpose its sonic architecture for gospel witness and the advancement of kingdom culture.[6] By appropriating the aesthetic and rhythmic dynamism of Afrobeats, AfroGospel reimagines popular musical forms through a sacred lens, embedding theological narratives and biblical motifs within culturally resonant soundscapes. This genre’s appeal extends beyond its percussive vibrancy; it constructs a theological imaginary that is deeply contextual and linguistically inclusive, often blending English, Pidgin, Yoruba, Igbo, and other vernaculars to reflect the multilingual lived realities of urban Nigerian youth. Such hybridity mirrors the liminal existence of Gen Z Nigerians, who inhabit both local and global cultural spheres. Consequently, AfroGospel emerges as an authentic medium of spiritual expression, particularly among younger demographics, for whom the genre serves as both a mirror and a map—reflecting identity while guiding belief and behaviour.
Despite ongoing debates and theological scepticism surrounding its legitimacy, AfroGospel has witnessed a remarkable surge in consumption, engagement, and influence in recent years. This observation prompts a set of critical questions: What accounts for this rapid ascent in cultural traction? And why is this moment particularly fertile for its expansion? And what are the missional possibilities that this growing spotlight on AfroGospel present? To wrestle with these questions using No Turning Back II as a case study, the remainder of this essay contends that the growing popularity of Nigerian AfroGospel, especially among Generation Z, is driven by its imaginative reworking of evangelical motifs, its contextual embodiment of Pentecostal spirituality, and its adept use of music as a vehicle for social and theological engagement. Each of these elements will be explored in detail in the sections that follow. In the concluding section, I will attempt to make a connection between the Quiet Revival phenomenon in the UK and AfroGospel.
Imaginative Reworking of Evangelical Motifs
AfroGospel’s rising appeal among Generation Z can be traced in part to its capacity to creatively reframe classic evangelical motifs in ways that retain their theological essence while embedding them within contemporary sensibilities. Gaise Baba’s No Turning Back II exemplifies this practice, opening with the familiar hymn:
I have decided to follow Jesus, I have decided to follow Jesus, I have decided to follow Jesus, No Turning Back, No Turning Back.
This chorus draws directly from a well-known hymn which traces its roots to the martyrdom of a Christian convert in Assam, India, in the 19th century, whose final words reportedly formed the basis of the refrain.[7] The hymn was popularised by missionaries and later became a staple in Western evangelical churches, further amplified by Billy Graham's crusades. While the colonial complexities underlying such missionary martyrdom should not be overlooked—nor should the ways in which transforming such an experience into a hymn might be seen as an attempt to sanitise a violent history and reinforce a triumphalist narrative of Western Christian conversion—this is not the focus of this essay. The song probably made its way into Nigeria through the 1960 Billy Graham Crusade which was met with hostility from some Muslims.[8] As such, the usage of this hymn in Nigerian evangelical traditions has historically been associated with public declarations of conversion, often signalling a definitive break from Islam or African traditional religions. As captured by a Yoruba proverb—"Aye l’a ba‘fa, aye l’a ba‘male; osan gangan ni‘gbagbo wole de" (“We met Ifa [ATR] in the world, we met Islam in the world, but Christianity arrived at noon”)—Christianity was a relatively recent arrival that quickly carved a strong religious identity within a pluralistic context.[9]
Gaise Baba’s rendition of the same chorus, however, is not a mere replication of the traditional chorus. Instead, it revitalises the hymn by incorporating contemporary rhythms, melodic patterns, and call-and-response chants that appeal to the aesthetic preferences of Gen Z listeners.[10] The chorus is interspersed with emphatic affirmations like “No, No” and “I can never turn back o . . . It’s already too late o,” which serve to reinforce the irrevocability of the decision to follow Jesus. These affirmations introduce a sense of urgency and determination, aligning with the energetic performance style typical of AfroGospel. Besides, the song’s strategic repetition and layering create a participatory atmosphere, encouraging communal engagement—a hallmark of Pentecostal worship culture. The use of Nigerian Pidgin English and Yoruba phrases, particularly in the first stanza by Gaise Baba, situates the song within a local linguistic context that resonates deeply with the target demographic, who often straddle traditional culture and globalised identities.[11] For example, Gaise Baba sings:
Mi o ni choice, I go narrow, them think say I no know road o, Emi mimo, na Him dey move me, dey lead me dey go o.
Here, through an interplay of Yoruba and Pidgin English, Gaise Baba gives voice and melody to a shared conviction among many Gen Z and millennial Christians. As has been the case throughout history, older generations often perceive the younger generations as misguided or lacking understanding, particularly when the latter diverge from established traditions to forge new paths. This generational tension has been further amplified in the contemporary era of globalisation. In this context, Gaise Baba’s lyrics serve to affirm what may appear to be a departure from ancestral norms—not as evidence of spiritual confusion, but as a reflection of the younger generation's responsiveness to the leading of the Holy Spirit. In doing so, he offers a message that is both accessible and deeply resonant with younger Nigerian audiences. Indeed, through these lyrics, Gaise Baba is already addressing the various strands of criticism that the song has attracted, often from older generation preachers.[12]
The blending of old and new—particularly the revitalisation of traditional choruses with fresh contextual meaning—is a defining feature of AfroGospel’s theological and musical innovation. No Turning Back II, for example, reaffirms the classic Pentecostal emphasis on conversion and commitment while embedding it within culturally and linguistically familiar forms. In doing so, the song renews evangelical choruses for Gen Z believers who seek expressions of faith that resonate with their lived realities. This resonance is evident in the ways young people have engaged with the song on social media, often appropriating its message of resolute faith to speak into specific life circumstances. Numerous short reels and videos feature excerpts from the track, accompanied by captions that reflect personal applications of the song’s declaration. One Facebook user, dancing to the song, captions her video: “My response when people ask me to combine something else with my faith in God so I can have a child.” A YouTuber, @official_lhorray, titles their short: “When you are born again and you stop womanising 😁🙏🏾.”[13] Similarly, a Christian dance group on the channel @lisaquama shares a reel with the caption: “So you’ll not stop dancing in church? Us:”[14]—followed by the lyric “I can’t turn back now; it’s already too late o”—as a defiant response to critics who assume their talents will eventually be diverted to secular entertainment rather than remain within the church context for worship.
Through such creative reinterpretations, Gen Z audiences have reappropriated a chorus traditionally associated with conversion and salvation, applying its resoluteness to a range of contemporary issues and experiences. In this way, No Turning Back II becomes not only a declaration of faith, but also a cultural artefact through which young Christians articulate identity, resistance, and devotion in the face of modern pressures.
Contextual Embodiment of Pentecostal Spirituality
A distinctive feature of No Turning Back II is the inclusion of a collaborative bridge performed by Lawrence Oyor,[15] which deepens the theological and cultural resonance of the song.[16] This collaborative dynamic reflects a growing trend in AfroGospel where artists join forces, expanding their song’s reach and enriching its message through diverse vocal styles and lyrical contributions.[17] Oyor’s music resonates deeply with youth audiences who seek passionate, Spirit-led expressions of faith. It is therefore unsurprising that the convergence of Gaise Baba’s influence and Oyor’s extensive following produced a song that rapidly reached millions, amplifying both its reach and impact.
Lawrence Oyor’s bridge introduces powerful thematic elements that reflect key tenets of African Pentecostalism, especially as appropriated by Gen Z. His call-and-response lyrics declare:
We will burn the world, We will spend the billions, We will spend for Jesus, We will shift the culture, We will heal the sick, We will raise the dead, Transform the nation Till we hear well done.
This section offers a dense theological and cultural terrain that illustrates the evolving contours of Nigerian Pentecostal spirituality and identity.
The opening phrase, “We will burn the world,” evokes the imagery of fire as a metaphor for spiritual warfare—a central motif in African Pentecostal discourse. Fire symbolises divine purification, judgement, and empowerment. In this context, the phrase articulates an eschatological vision in which believers participate in dismantling the “kingdom of darkness,”[18] a motif popularised by deliverance ministries such as Mountain of Fire and Miracles.[19] The aggressive tone reflects a combative spiritual orientation where Christians are seen as warriors called to “possess territories” and overturn demonic strongholds. While such use of military language and metaphors in contemporary Christian mission, particularly within an African context has been rightly criticised for its cultural incongruity and colonial connotations,[20] it is interesting that such language resonates with Gen Z Pentecostals’ embrace of radical activism and fervent spirituality as markers of genuine faith.
The line “We will spend the billions, we will spend for Jesus” advances a complex theology of kingdom finance. While on the surface it may appear to echo prosperity rhetoric, its deeper significance lies in a reframing of wealth as a missional resource.[21] Rather than celebrating financial success for personal aggrandisement, the lyric situates material resources within a theology of stewardship, where economic capital is mobilised for gospel advancement and societal transformation. This nuance marks a generational shift from simplistic iterations of prosperity gospel to a more missionally-driven economic ethic. It reflects what could be termed “prosperity with purpose,” a vision where wealth serves as fuel for cultural influence, charity, and spiritual enterprise.
The subsequent declarations—“We will heal the sick, we will raise the dead”—reinforce the Pentecostal emphasis on divine power and miraculous interventions. These phrases align with the charismata tradition, wherein healing and miracles are not only possible but expected signs of the Spirit’s active presence.[22] For Gen Z believers raised in charismatic environments, such affirmations are integral to a lived faith that expects God to interrupt the natural order with supernatural acts. Moreover, these lines represent a continuation of a deeply African religious worldview, where the boundaries between the physical and spiritual realms are porous, and where divine power is sought for both existential and communal needs.
“We will shift the culture” captures the transformational ambition of Pentecostal spirituality. It signals a conscious effort to influence societal values, media narratives, and moral frameworks with “kingdom culture.” This phrase—”kingdom culture”—reflects a theology of cultural engagement, where believers are not only called to personal holiness but also commissioned to reform societal systems. It is the idea behind the mission of the classical Pentecostal denomination, The Apostolic Church, to “belt the globe with the gospel.”[23] In African Pentecostal thought, such transformation is often linked to the concept of territorial dominion—believers exercising spiritual and moral authority in education, politics, entertainment, and family life.[24] For Gen Z Pentecostals, this cultural mandate aligns with a digital-savvy activism that blends spiritual fervour with social critique.
“Transform the nation” reinforces the holistic scope of the preceding line by suggesting that Pentecostal commitment extends beyond individual salvation to national renewal. This vision is deeply embedded in African Pentecostal missiology, which frequently blends spiritual revival with sociopolitical imagination.[25] By envisioning national transformation as a spiritual mandate, the song echoes the aspirations of believers who see themselves as agents of change in both sacred and secular spheres. This nationalistic vision of revival is particularly resonant in Nigerian Pentecostalism, where churches often play quasi-political roles in shaping public morality and civic discourse.[26]
The final declaration—“Till we hear well done”—serves as both climax and telos. It encapsulates the motivational core of Pentecostal piety: the longing for divine commendation at the eschaton. The phrase draws from Matthew 25:21 (“Well done, good and faithful servant”), situating the preceding declarations within a framework of eternal reward. This line functions as a call to perseverance, underscoring the sacrificial and enduring nature of Christian discipleship. For Gen Z audiences, this refrain anchors their bold declarations in a theology of accountability and reward, reminding them that all spiritual exploits must ultimately be directed towards pleasing Christ.
Earlier in the song, Gaise Baba sings about moving “at 240 (km per hour), full throttle,” evoking a sense of fervent, even reckless commitment to following Jesus. This youthful recklessness echoes the spiritual intensity of Nigeria’s Pentecostal pioneers, whose ministries often involved perilous risks. Apostle Joseph Ayo Babalola, for instance, openly confronted traditional deities, held crusades in plague-stricken regions, and was imprisoned by colonial authorities for disrupting the peace—all acts driven by unwavering obedience to divine instruction.[27] Archbishop Benson Idahosa faced assassination attempts and fierce backlash for challenging witchcraft and proclaiming miracle healings in hostile environments.[28] Pa Sydney Elton risked alienation from his colonial peers by empowering indigenous leaders and endorsing dramatic Pentecostal manifestations.[29] Figures like Garrick Braide, Moses Orimolade, and Cornelius Igbudu also exemplified this radical discipleship through their bold rejection of idolatry, colonial structures, and religious formalism. Their fearless commitment mirrors the song’s invocation of a Christianity lived “full throttle”—a life propelled by conviction, not caution. This portrayal of spiritual fervour and intensity serves as a model of exemplary faith, inspiring listeners to embrace wholehearted devotion and courage in their Christian walk. It encapsulates the song’s climactic call to “no more laziness,” reinforcing the ethic of disciplined, passionate service.
Cultural Resonance: The Key to Social and Theological Impact
A significant factor behind the rapid rise of Nigerian AfroGospel music—particularly among millennials and Generation Z—is its intentional cultural resonance. No Turning Back II exemplifies this through its vibrant musical style, multilingual lyrics, and incorporation of danceable rhythms that facilitate both social media engagement and community participation. The driving tempo and dynamic percussion that underscore the vocal performances of Gaise Baba and Lawrence Oyor naturally evoke a dance response, which has become a key avenue for audience interaction through reels, stories, and shorts across platforms. Dance challenges and choreographed routines associated with AfroGospel tracks frequently trend on social media spaces such as TikTok, Instagram Reels, and YouTube Shorts, contributing significantly to the genre’s virality. A similar phenomenon followed the release of the We Will Be Many dance video by Sounds of Salem in February 2025.[30] Moreover, as previously illustrated, some users repurpose excerpts from these songs—via captions, dance, or spoken word layered on the original track—to reach new audiences or even promote their businesses. This accessibility and participatory nature enable Gen Z listeners to engage the music actively, blending worship with creativity, cultural identity, and digital expression.
The language choice in No Turning Back II further enhances its appeal. Gaise Baba’s integration of Yoruba and English creates a linguistic bridge that resonates with Nigerian youth—many of whom, despite struggling with fluency in their indigenous languages, are able to embrace them through such dynamic multilingual blends. The inclusion of vernacular expressions, proverbs, and idiomatic speech conveys an authentic voice that feels both intimate and empowering. This bilingual approach affirms the cultural identity of young Nigerian Christians as they navigate complex sociocultural terrains shaped by globalisation, urbanisation, and diaspora experiences. At the same time, the language strategy preserves cultural heritage while making the song accessible to broader, even international, audiences.
Equally significant is the strategic utilisation of digital media platforms in AfroGospel’s rise. No Turning Back II amassed over five million views on YouTube within days of its release, illustrating the powerful role of online networks in disseminating contemporary Christian music. Social media serves not only as a distribution channel but also as a dynamic space for community formation—where fans engage by sharing interpretations, testimonies, and creative content inspired by the song. For Gen Z—digital natives who both consume and generate online content—this interactivity enhances the song’s resonance and reach. It enables a collective expression of faith in innovative ways that transcend traditional ecclesial boundaries, thereby reshaping religious engagement within Nigeria and its diasporas.
The themes of resolute commitment, cultural transformation, and spiritual warfare articulated in No Turning Back II resonate deeply with Gen Z’s search for purpose and authenticity. The refrain of “no turning back” mirrors their quest for firm identity formation amid social and moral ambiguity. Additionally, motifs such as “burning the world” and “shifting the culture” speak to their desire to influence society meaningfully. In this way, AfroGospel functions both as spiritual nourishment and as a cultural manifesto, inviting listeners to envision their faith as transformative and socially impactful—an emphasis consistent with the missional orientation of neo-Pentecostal churches across Africa and the diaspora.
Navigating AfroGospel’s Contested Witness
Of course, criticisms of the song’s message and virality abound online. Despite its widespread appeal, AfroGospel’s commercialisation and engagement with prosperity themes have drawn considerable critique. Some question whether the emphasis on “kingdom finance” and material blessings risks eclipsing the gospel’s core message of grace, humility, and self-denial. Others have raised concerns about the external appearance of key figures in the movement—Gaise Baba with his dyed hair, and Lawrence Oyor with his headband inscribed with Jesus—wondering whether such aesthetics align with conventional expectations of what a gospel minister should look like. Still others question whether the millions of young people who have joined the social trend sparked by the song fully grasp the spiritual implications of what they are singing and dancing to. I could also add a critique on the use of such “reckless” imagery as overspeeding (going “full throttle on 240”) to highlight how it might unintentionally promote imprudent behaviour under the guise of spiritual boldness. These are all valid critiques, to varying degrees. Yet perhaps what we are witnessing is an evangelistic approach rooted in Jesus’ parable in Matthew 13:47, which likens the kingdom of heaven to a net cast into the sea, gathering fish of every kind. This strategy employs wide-reaching cultural engagement to draw people from all walks of life and spiritual conditions. Once inside the faith community, the journey of spiritual formation continues through intentional discipleship and biblical teaching. Some of those drawn in will develop a deep and abiding faith while others may ultimately walk away.
In any case, these critiques underscore ongoing tensions within broader African Pentecostalism (and its musical expressions)—tensions that call for a more nuanced engagement, one that celebrates success and spiritual vitality while holding fast to the demands of responsible discipleship and theological depth.
Notwithstanding, this model of integrating classical Pentecostal motifs—spiritual warfare, divine healing, prosperity theology, cultural engagement, eschatological hope, and radical discipleship—into a high-energy, musically compelling track encapsulates the song’s theological ambition. It embodies a vision of radical discipleship that fuses doctrinal conviction with cultural confidence. In this light, No Turning Back II becomes more than a song; it emerges as a generational anthem, capturing what African Pentecostalism is becoming through the lens of youth aspiration, global influence, and Spirit-empowered action.
‘The Quiet Revival’ and AfroGospel
In a research-informed report published in April 2025 by the Bible Society,[31] the claim is made that a quiet revival is underway in England and Wales. Drawing on two surveys conducted by YouGov for the Bible Society in 2018 and 2024, the report identifies a potential "Quiet Revival" of Christianity in these regions, particularly among young adults. The research indicates a significant increase in regular church attendance and Bible engagement within this demographic. While some critics have pointed to the self-reported nature of the data—suggesting that the shift may reflect a move from nominal to more active expressions of faith or simply a heightened social desirability bias—others interpret the findings as evidence of a genuine and unexpected growth in Christian practice and spiritual openness.
The report also highlights that churchgoers, especially younger ones, report higher levels of life satisfaction, hope, community connection, and involvement in social action compared to their non-churchgoing peers. However, a key tension raised by many observers lies in the fact that most mainline churches have yet to observe a corresponding increase in attendance or participation within their congregations. In my view, this may partly be due to the report not fully accounting for the implications of recent migration patterns in its analysis.
That said, while it may be premature to draw a direct connection between AfroGospel and the Quiet Revival, Gaise Baba, during his first international tour in the UK, reflected on AfroGospel’s potential role in bringing the gospel to the West. He described this as a “flip of what happened centuries ago” when the West brought the gospel to Africa. He believes God is raising a generation of creatives to carry the message of Christ into Western contexts—not necessarily by filling empty cathedrals, but by breaking out into mainstream arenas such as music festivals, cinema halls, arts events, creative gatherings, and urban centres. In this vision, creatives are at the forefront of this missional engagement.
Could this phenomenon be contributing to the spiritual shifts currently underway? The potential certainly exists for AfroGospel to generate spiritual impact and transformation in Western contexts, including the UK, by employing culturally resonant and compelling artistic expressions. Such impact need not be confined to traditional church settings; rather, it seeks to influence culture and reach individuals across a diversity of spaces. Nonetheless, further research is needed to explore this connection more substantively.
Conclusion
In conclusion, No Turning Back II stands as a compelling exemplar of how AfroGospel music functions not only as a cultural artefact but also as a vibrant theological witness among Nigerian Gen Z Pentecostals. By blending scriptural allusions, charismatic spirituality, and Afro-urban aesthetics, Gaise Baba and Lawrence Oyor offer more than a catchy remix—they reanimate a historic call to radical discipleship for a generation navigating postmodern pluralities and digital hyperconnectivity. The song’s multilingualism, intergenerational collaboration, and liturgical undertones demonstrate AfroGospel’s unique capacity to embody and transmit deep spiritual truths through culturally resonant forms. More than mere entertainment, it catechises, mobilises, and incarnates a Spirit-empowered Christianity that is both firmly rooted in African Pentecostal tradition and dynamically responsive to contemporary realities.
Moreover, AfroGospel emerges as a kingdom movement and a dynamic cultural expression that repurposes popular musical forms for sacred witness. It serves as both a mirror reflecting young Nigerians’ complex identities and aspirations and a map guiding their faith journeys toward purpose, societal influence, and spiritual vitality. Its bold fusion of faith and modern African culture—expressed through sound, linguistic style, cultural confidence, and savvy digital engagement—positions AfroGospel as a powerful force shaping not only the church in Africa but also potentially influencing global Christianity in digitally connected contexts. The genre’s speculative resonance with wider spiritual shifts, such as the emerging “Quiet Revival” in the UK, hints at AfroGospel’s broader capacity to flip historical missionary flows and to impact faith expression on a global scale.
Ultimately, No Turning Back II invites scholars, practitioners, and worshippers alike to take seriously the theological and cultural work being done within popular African Pentecostal music. It raises vital questions about worship in the digital age, the interaction between faith and culture, and what it means to be a Christian creative in a globalised world. Further research is essential to explore these broader implications, but what is clear is that AfroGospel is a generational anthem—vibrant, significant, and transformational in its mission to shape minds, influence culture, and express a Spirit-empowered faith for today and tomorrow.
Notes
[1] Gaise Baba, No Turning Back II, YouTube video, May 16, 2025, https://youtu.be/dkPClcO4Whw?si=K3cUfS1VpXgS820q.
[2] AfroGospel generally has always come under criticism both in the public domain and in academia. For example, see Floribert Patrick Calvain Endong, “Religiosity versus Spirituality in the Contemporary Nigerian Gospel Music,” Human and Social Studies 5, no. 2 (2016): 116–32.
[3] Gaise Baba, born Akinade Ibuoye, is a Nigerian Afro-fusion artist known for blending Yoruba, English, and Nigerian Pidgin in his faith-driven music that combines Afrobeats, hip-hop, and soul. With a background in economics and music business, he has released several albums and is recognised for his socially conscious lyrics. Beyond music, he actively supports youth through initiatives like the LightOut Initiative and Afro-urban arts festivals, using his platform to promote culture, faith, and community engagement.
[4] Femi Lazarus, What in This World Is AfroGospel?, YouTube video, December 28, 2024, https://youtu.be/JvbmRofy_aA?si=6upn3uyf2QGoD5xI.
[5] Olusola Adenusi, "Christian Rap in Nigeria Starts to Adopt New Genre ‘Afro Gospel’; How It Started (Part 1)," Rapzilla, July 2, 2020, https://rapzilla.com/2020-07-afro-gospel-tag-nigerian-christian-hip-hop-artists-embracing-part-1/.
[6] Music Unites Africa, "The True Definition of AfroGospel," Substack, December 29, 2024, https://musicunitesafrica.substack.com/p/the-true-definition-of-afrogospel.
[7] For a comprehensive treatment of the various sources and versions of the song’s origins, see C. Michael Hawn, “History of Hymns: ‘I Have Decided to Follow Jesus,’” Discipleship Ministries: The United Methodist Church, June 10, 2020, https://www.umcdiscipleship.org/articles/history-of-hymns-i-have-decided-to-follow-jesus.
[8] Billy Graham Library, “Billy Graham’s Africa Tour: 1960,” Billy Graham Library Blog, February 9, 2025, https://billygrahamlibrary.org/blog-billy-grahams-africa-tour-1960/; “Religion: Moslems v. Billy,” TIME, February 15, 1960, https://time.com/archive/6809130/religion-moslems-v-billy/.
[9] John David Yeadon Peel, Engaging with Islam in Nineteenth-Century Yorubaland, Currents in World Christianity, Position Paper No. 27 (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, Faculty of Divinity, Centre for Advanced Religious and Theological Studies, 1997), 2.
[10] Another example of this is SON Music featuring Neeja. Darling Jesus. YouTube video. October 13, 2023. Uploaded by Moses Bliss. https://youtu.be/mSSyv5ommg0?si=NYs2tvDTwqZAhrZg.
[11] Nurul Qhatami Musthafa and Wawan Darmawan, “Generation Z as Agent of Change in Preserving Local Culture in the Era Globalization,” in International Conference of Humanities and Social Science (ICHSS), 2024, 983.
[12] For example, see the video commented on in Prophet Joel Ogebe, Criticizing the Song “No Turning Back” by Lawrence Oyor and Gaise Baba. I’m Sorry I Have to Say This, YouTube video, May 29, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N3lMTJzMSIw.
[13] Official_lhorray, Gaise Baba & Lawrence Oyor – No Turning Back Official Dance by Official Lhorray & Bigkumz, YouTube video, May 20, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1IgXasWPKXM.
[14] Lisa Quama, No Turning Back Remix Official Dance Video, YouTube Shorts video, May 19, 2025, https://youtube.com/shorts/GGLMWgFSNBQ.
[15] Lawrence Oyor is a Nigerian gospel singer, evangelist, and songwriter widely known for his revival chants and prophetic worship style. He co-founded the Davidic Minstrels—a global worship movement—with his twin brother, Godswill Oyor. He is also married to Darasimi Mike-Bamiloye, daughter of renowned gospel filmmakers Mike and Gloria Bamiloye of Mount Zion Faith Ministries, Africa’s most prolific producers of Christian films. See Legit.ng, “Lawrence Oyor's Biography: Age, Wife, Child, Where Is He From?” Legit.ng - Nigeria News, May 13, 2022, https://www.legit.ng/ask-legit/biographies/1471518-lawrence-oyors-biography-age-wife-child-nigeria/.
[16] The ‘II’ in ‘No Turning Back II’ indicates that Gaise Baba had previously released a solo version of the song. Notably, despite being published approximately nine months before the collaborative version with Lawrence Oyor, the solo rendition had yet to reach one million views on YouTube as of 27 May 2025. In contrast, the collaborative version surpassed five million views within just ten days of its release. See Gaise Baba, NO TURNING BACK (I Have Decided) || Official Dance Video, YouTube video, August 23, 2024, https://youtu.be/0rc-eb953bw.
[17] Henry Okundalaiye, “Gospel Music Acceptance and the Millennial Factors in a Developing Market,” Journal of Applied Language and Culture Studies 6, no. 2 (2023): 144–45.
[18] See Toyin Samuel Ajose, “‘Drumbeat of War’: Hearing Spiritual Warfare through Pentecostal Musicking,” Journal of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity 45, no. 1 (2025): 1–24; Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Engaging the Evil Forces in the Spirit Realm: A Theology of Spiritual Warfare in African Neo-Pentecostal Spirituality,” E-Journal of Religious and Theological Studies 10, no. 4 (2024): 66–72.
[19] Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Engaging the Evil Forces,” 68.
[20] Harvey Kwiyani, "Blessed Are the Peacemakers," Global Witness, Globally Reimagined, January 25, 2024, https://harveykwiyani.substack.com/p/blessed-are-the-peacemakers.
[21] See Ukah, Asonzeh. “Piety and Profit: Accounting for Money in West African Pentecostalism (Part 1).” Dutch Reformed Theological Journal = Nederduitse Gereformeerde Teologiese Tydskrif 48, no. 3_4 (2007): 621–632; Ukah, Asonzeh. “Piety and Profit: Accounting for Money in West African Pentecostalism (Part 2).” Dutch Reformed Theological Journal = Nederduitse Gereformeerde Teologiese Tydskrif 48, no. 3_4 (2007): 633–648.
[22] Saibu Ainde Owoeye, “Healing in Some Pentecostal Churches in South-Western Nigeria,” European Scientific Journal 8, no. 30 (2012): 95.
[23] Idris J Vaughan, Nigeria: The Origins of Apostolic Church Pentecostalism in Nigeria (England: Ipswich Book Company, 1991), p. 3.
[24] See Danny McCain, "The Metamorphosis of Nigerian Pentecostalism: From Signs and Wonders in the Church to Service and Influence in Society," in Spirit and Power: The Growth and Global Impact of Pentecostalism, ed. Donald E. Miller, Kimon H. Sargeant, and Richard Flory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 173.
[25] See Richard Burgess, Nigerian Pentecostalism and Development: Spirit, Power, and Transformation (London: Routledge, 2020).
[26] Richard Burgess, "Pentecostalism and Democracy in Nigeria: Electoral Politics, Prophetic Practices, and Cultural Reformation," Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 18, no. 3 (2014): 38–62.
[27] Enoch Olusheye, Mysterious Legacies of Apostle JA Babalola (Enoch O. Olusheye, 2024), 14-26.
[28] Olufunke Adeboye, “Explaining the Growth and Legitimation of the Pentecostal Movement in Africa,” in Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa, ed. Adeshina Afolayan, Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso, and Toyin Falola (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 25–39.
[29] See Ayodeji Abodunde, Messenger: Sydney Elton and the Making of Pentecostalism in Nigeria (Pierce Watershed, 2016).
[30] Prophet Joel Ogebe, We Will Be Many Official Dance Video || Sounds of Salem, YouTube video, February 10, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r5pVt1K4NRg.
[31] Rhiannon McAleer and Rob Barward-Symmons, The Quiet Revival (Swindon: Bible Society, April 2025), https://www.biblesociety.org.uk/research/quiet-revival/download.
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